■ Buhari: In his retributive rule as a dictator, he projected himself like a Roman god, and ruled like the Taliban
Nigeria's former military ruler, Muhammadu Buhari declared he would run for the Nigerian president. In his declaration, he criticized the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan and his administration for leading a corrupt legacy and failing to tackle the Boko Haram Islamist insurgency. Buhari is running as presidential candidate for All Progressives Congress (APC) - the major opposition contender while President Jonathan remains the flag bearer for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). At the moment, the print, electronic, and social media are agog with commentaries, news, and literatures addressing this race – predominantly between these two candidates.
Briefly, Buhari who now battles issues related to age and health has been involved—one way or the other—in every Nigerian military rule since the civil war; participated in coups; and as a retired junta member, ran three presidential races without a scrap of success. His thread of losses are a major concern for most undecided voters. For instance, In 2003 he lost the presidential election to incumbent Olusegun Obasanjo and refused to concede; in 2007 he failed woefully in the presidential polls against the late president Yar’Adua and unsuccessfully took his protest to court to no avail; and in 2011, he lost the presidential election again to Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and headed to the court houses for another failed miracle.
But thing that keep brothering Nigerians and perhaps the international community is that anytime Buhari loses a race, thousands of lives are lost through uncontrolled violence, lynching of humans, and burning of churches. Nigerians are worried that Buhari since his removal as a dictator, has not given up in his quest for this topmost position. His regime as a dictator, December 1983 through August 1985, was very short and did not give the dictator any chance to transform Nigeria’s governmental system the way he wanted – a Taliban-modeled structure where the Islamic Sharia laws overwhelm judiciary. Buhari had in his recent campaign trips to most Christian states denied allegations of repression to soften voters’ fears. However, in a series of interview with the BBC Hausa, Buhari completely stood his grounds on his jihadist values, and in fact shocked the nation when he advocated total support, including an amnesty for the terrorism group, Boko Haram. His ties to terrorism was again confirmed when Boko Haram named him as the envoy in their proposed dialogue with the government.
In his retributive rule as a dictator, he projected himself like a Roman god, and ruled like the Taliban – yet it is unfortunate that most Nigerian voters do not know the ex-dictator and would argue on doctored information retrieved from Google and Wikipedia. This might be justified because Nigerians who were fifty two years in 2014 were barley one year when Muhammadu Buhari joined the army. This he did in 1962, and has remained one of the few officers without basic education, but who used their military training to wrestle legitimate power out of the system, rather than defend the country’s security needs.
His jihadist Islamic ideologies signals a dangerous warning. In my published documentary of Buhari’s adventures into the Nigeria’s leadership suite, I expressed the disparaging nature of his religious views as a threat to a united nation. I indicated that Buhari was one of those conservative Muslim fanatics with the heart of Hamas, a propensity equaling those of Al Qaeda, and the vision of Taliban; one of those who would question God for creating any being other than a Muslim; or even challenge Him for creating women. To Buhari, gender consideration is a western movie, and women should be perpetually confined to purdah. Just last month, Buhari ordered his campaign to remove his wife’s image from his campaign literatures. The campaign had earlier requested to use the image of one of the wives to promote his compassionate side. One of the consultants who worked in that project resigned because they were not allowed to use the word “husband” to identify Buhari's wife. Sources close to the Buhari’s campaign claimed the idea was against Buhari’s beliefs. But this is consistent with Buhari’s temperament – a personification of masculinity, queerness, and cruelty.
Yet Buhari’s supporters are not backing down and would argue on a failed incumbent regime as a justification for his comeback. For instance, security situation in the country has deteriorated leaving most parts of the North vulnerable to the exploits of the Boko Haram terror group. Jonathan’s campaign on the other accused the opposition of instigating violence in the North and using statistics of casualties for political campaigns. But the truth is that this race has gone beyond the competency trial of the incumbent. It is the unfortunate fact that Buhari is a radical Islamic extremist – a coup-monger who once sacked the democracy he now aspires for. Thus, this race may hinge on a common rule in challenging the status quo. I call it the “decree of incumbency.” A commonsensical law that informs a decision of truth provoked by the social psychology of fear - that in a political playfield of hopeless contenders, the incumbent prevails.
This argument was echoed by the Noble Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, who said, “I strongly believe that GEJ is a phenomenal change from before and if we cannot find a better, young alternative, then we must remain with him until we can groom someone better. This is no time to go back to the military mafia and go back to our vomit." Soyinka was absolutely right. BUHARI has failed three times in a desperate quest for presidency – an office he once sacked. It is normal to discuss a change of stewardship, but replacing him with a proven tyrant would be the most inexplicable way to gamble.
While Nigerians prepare for a February 14 presidential polls, voters must articulate a validation that the war to secure Nigeria is not against Islam; it is a decisive war where decent culture overrides antiquated cruelty; a mission engrained in commonsense to secure a united nation where superiority of tribe, religion, or geographical location are subdued under one law and common identity. To succeed as a nation, Nigerians must encourage more collaboration with the government and mitigate any blackmail of their peace and unity; voters must focus on encouraging the incumbent in fixing the structures rather than supporting the same uniformed mobsters that once prolonged their attainment of economic and socio-political resurgence with authoritative decrees and loaded rifles.